CRITERIA FOR ACCEPTABLE MODES OF READING

The  concept of  the  ‘seven modes’  has been  open  to a  number  of interpretations  among  scholars,  including the probability that the ahruf may refer to divergent dialects among the Arabs at the time of the revelation of the Qur’an.

The standard interpretation, however, is that the ahruf refers to what became known as the ‘seven readings’ (qira’at) of the Qur’an. That the seven modes of reading have been transmitted from one Qāri’ to another (mutawātir) in a teaching-learning chain  is certain.  The word  mutawātir indicates  that a  group of  learners in  every generation  has transmitted the

linguistic and phonetic techniques (a mode of  reading) to the next generation  in  a unanimous  manner that  it is customarily impossible to agree on falsehood. Thus, it is a multiple source mode of reading. These seven modes of reading are the correct or acceptable ones. For a mode of reading to be acceptable, it had to meet three major criteria:

(i) compatibility with the orthography of the Uthmanic master codex (khatt or rasm al-mushaf al-‘uthmāni),

(ii) compatibility with Arabic grammar, and

(iii) being  authentically passed on  from the Prophet.  However, the  third criterion is  not taken into consideration by the majority of Qur’an scholars (Abdul-Raof, 2012:110).

We may, however, encounter ten,  rather than seven, Qur’an  reciters. The  other three  reciters are:  Ya’qub (d.

205/820) (Basrah), Khalaf (d. 229/843) (Baghdad), and Abu Ja’far b. al-Qa’qa’ (d. 130/747) (Madinah).  

Thus, one can claim that even the companions such as Ibn ’Abbas, Ibn Mas’ud, Ubai b. Ka’b, and Anas b. Malik read some Qur’anic expressions with an irregular mode of reading. It is also important to note that:

(i) all the irregular modes of reading were abrogated by the Uthmanic master codex,

(ii) they were not allowed to be used in any prayer, and

(iii) they could not be accepted as evidence to substantiate any jurisprudential matter.

It is also necessary to mention four other readers who did not attain the same status as the Seven or the Ten just mentioned and are usually considered to represent the four Shādhdh (irregular) variants after the ten

(Dutton:1999). These  four are: Ibn  Muhaysin (d. 123/740)  in Makkah, al-A’mash  (d. 148/765) in  Kūfa, and al-Hasan Albasri, (d. 110-728) and Yehya al-Yazidi (d. 202-817) in Basra.

Therefore, a mode of reading was classified as irregular (shadhdhah) if:

(i) it  was adopted  by  one  reciter only,  i.e.,  it was  not mutawātir  (i.e., was  not  transmitted from  one generation to another by a group of ruwāt),

(ii) it was not one of the seven or ten modes of reading, and most importantly.

(iii) it was not compatible with Arabic grammar or Arabic language.  

It is also  of value  to note  that the  two expressions  (al-ahruf al-sab’ah –  the seven  dialects) and  (al-qira’at al-sab’ah – the seven modes of reading) do not overlap. In other words, they are two different notions and have

different criteria. It is worthwhile to note a number of matters with regards to ‘the seven dialects’: 

(i) At times, a dialect (harf) may represent a mode of reading (qirā’ah) but it is not always the case and is not vice versa.  

(ii) The expression ‘seven dialects’ occurs in the prophetic tradition: (unzila al-qur’anu ‘ala sab’ati ahrufin

– The Qur’an was revealed with seven dialectal forms.) “The 

definition of  the term  ahruf has  been an  area of  much  scholarly debate  and is encompassed in  the general works of the Qur’an. The forms corresponded to the dialects of the following seven tribes: Quraysh, Yemen, Hawāzin, Kinānah, Thaqīf, Tamīm and Huthayl. The revelation of the Qur’an in seven different ahruf made its memorization and recitation much easier for the different tribes. At the same time, the Qur’an defied them to produce one surah similar to it in their own dialect so that they would not protest against the incomprehensibility” (Rippon, 1988:34). However, the expression (sab’ah – seven) does not necessarily mean ‘seven’ as  it was  customary among  the Arabs  to use  this expression  (sab’ah) for exaggeration to mean ‘many’ but not specifically ‘seven’. 

(iii) Qur’anic Arabic  was the dialect  of the  Quraish tribe as  this was the  dialect of the  Prophet and his

people, and  most importantly,  it was the most advanced  dialect linguistically and stylistically.  This view  was  supported  by  ’Uthman’s  claim:  (nazala  al-qur’anu  bilisani  quraish  –  The  Qur’an  was

revealed  in the  dialect of  Quraish.) For  instance,  other Arabic  dialects  suffered  from phonetic  and syntactic irregularities. The tribe of Huthayl, for example, could not pronounce the voiceless pharyngeal fricative [ح – ħ] and replaced it with the voiced pharyngeal fricative [ع –ʕ ], as in: [ħatta

ħi:n] – for a while, Q37:178) which Huthayl speakers pronounced as: [ʕatta ʕi:n]. 

Similarly, the tribes of Tamīm and Asad could not pronounce the initial glottal stop (al-hamzah) represented by the symbol [Ɂ]  and  used to  change it  to the  voiced pharyngeal  fricative [ع –ʕ], as  in:  [Ɂanna]  – (indeed)  was pronounced as: [ʕanna]. In a similar vein, the tribe of Asad used ungrammatical forms of language, as in: [taɁlamu:n] instead of the grammatical form [taʕlamu:n] – you (plural) know).

(iv) The  expression (sab’ah – seven)  also  means: ‘seven  topics  or  seven  disciplines  which the  Qur’an

recurrently  refers to,  such as:  monotheism,  prophethood,  eschatology,  reward  and punishment,  the allowed and prohibited, parables  and similitudes, admonition,  clear and  ambiguous, abrogating  and abrogated, and jurisprudential matters.’

(v) The claim that one can exchange the ayah-final set of epithets with another set of epithets since all the

epithets are descriptive expressions of God and are all His names. Thus, there is no harm to replace the

ayah-final set of epithets (ghafurun rahīm – forgiving and merciful) by (sami’un basīr – hearing and

seeing).  This claim  is linguistically  and  stylistically  flawed. An  in-depth text  linguistic analysis  of

Qur’anic discourse  can reveal  that ayah-final  set of  epithets are  context-sensitive and do not  occur

haphazardly at the end of the ayah. Each epithet is semantically tied up to its context. For more details,

see Abdul-Raof (2005).

Source: Phonological Features in Qiraat

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