4.12. THE ISLAMIC MOVEMENT AND THE OFFICIAL RELIGIOUS INSTITUTION
The Islamic Movement should work hard in the next phase for winning the official religious institution to its side. This includes the prominent figures of Al-Azhar in Egypt, Al-Zaytuna in Tunisia, Al Qarawiyyin in Morocco and the religious institutions of Pakistan, India and other countries. The Movement should set its sights on a major objective that should feature in its essential plans: to invade this official religious institution from inside with its ideologies and its members. If the Movement succeeds in this endeavor, it stands to make significant gains, including the following:
It will be able to avert the collision with the members of the institution, many of whom still are in favor with the Muslim masses and still possess the ability to distort the image of the movement in the eyes of the uneducated or halfeducated public by right or wrong allegations, especially from those who have put themselves at the service of the rulers, as their allegations will hinder the march of the Movement and cost it much time and effort for defending itself and clearing its image of untrue charges . This way, the Movement will be free to devote its efforts to confronting the true enemies of Islam who want to put out Allah’s light with their mouths.
There will be hope in reforming this important institution, so that it may carry its original and important responsibility of spreading the true teachings of Islam, and advocating only Islam in its whole, pure and unadulterated form, in such a way that it will free itself from the unjust rulers and communism and Christianity agents and be a formidable fortress that defends the Islamic call against the con of Islam’s enemies. If the official religious institution is corrected, it will turn out men who will serve the Message and the creed, not just government officials.
It will be possible to draw on the official religious institution’s ability of infiltration and influencing people to spread the awareness of Islam’s major causes, the problems of Muslims all over the world, the duty of Muslim peoples towards the Islamic idea and Muslim lands, and what the Islamic Movement is doing for effecting the Islamic cultural resurrection in the field of knowledge, work, education and shaping the Muslim personality. It will also be possible to use the official institution’s capabilities in combating the false trends that are trying to sneak on the Nation overtly and covertly through the plots of Islam’s enemies abroad and the collaboration of the hypocrites inside. Through such a cooperation and such an integration between the popular movement and the official institution, the front that supports the Islamic Call and its great cultural efforts will be expanded.
It will be possible to refute the excuses of those governments that try to shirk the adoption of Islam’s rules as a guide of life and a leader of society. These governments take as a pretext for their attitude the fatwas of some weak and misguided members of the official religious institutions. Another target is to give a legitimate status to the Islamic Movement’s demands and efforts for establishing a state that rules by what Allah has sent down and embraces Islam as a creed, a way of life and a message for the guidance and advancement of all people.
Imam Hassan AlBanna was always keen on keeping his lines open with AlAzhar scholars, among whom he had many good friends. I once heard him say in a convention that was held in Tanta and attended by a number of AlAzhar institute there, “you”, Ulema are the regular army of Islam, with us behind you as the reserve army.’
Naturally, this does not apply to those institutions that have sold their religion to have the good things of this life, becoming mouthpiece for tyrants, and a sword that unjust rulers brandish in the face of true Islamists. Such institutions should never be rejected or given a respite, as they should be laid bare before their peoples for what they really are, so that their peoples may guard themselves against the evils of such institutions. We have also to differentiate between those who have become tools in the hands of tyrants, or shoes on their feet, and those weak who hate tyrants but are prevented from resisting tyranny by their weakness and fear. For the weak, though intimidated to the extent of keeping silent and not uttering the word of right, do not get involved in saying the word of wrong, so their circumstances should be taken into account and help provided to them for overcoming their weakness and fear.
The religious institution in Iran was the driving force behind the revolution against the Shah’s regime.
It was helped in so doing by the right of absolute obedience due to it by the masses of the people, as dictated by the Ja’fari doctrine, as well as by the people’s willingness to sacrifice their property and their lives if they were asked to do so by the sheikhs and ayatollahs of the sect.
It was also helped by the funds voluntarily given to it by the people. which represented the “Khums” [onefifth] which the Ja’fari jurisprudence imposes on net income, i.e. at 20% and which is handed to the ulema of the sect in their capacity as deputizing for the “absent Imam”.
This way, the Iranian men of religion no longer remained at the mercy of their government that paid their salaries and thus controlled their and their families destinies because it had the power of keeping them in its employ or dismissing them at will.
Therefore, one of the essential principles for reforming the religious institution is that it enjoy academic, administrative and financial independence and restore its usurped awquf [religious endowments] and the freedom to dispose of them as it deems fit, so that it may regain some of what some old princes said about the secret of power of Imam Hassan AlBasri: “We need his religion, and he has no need for our money”.
It is a real problem when the religious scholar becomes just a civil servant in a state which does not need his religion while he has every need for its money!
Source: Islamic Basics by Yusuf Al-Qaradawi
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